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\def\GENVOWEL#1{}

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\[laukhaen chakoo-liy n''um-ydwd l'yOm qoomiy lau`ad kiy 
mish^'pau.tiy l|e':e.sof gOyim l'qauv'tsiy mam'laukhOs lish^'pokh'
`:alaeyhem za`'miy kol ch:arOn 'apiy kiy b''eish^ qin''ausiy
t|"'+khael k+l-h+'|+rets.\]

\noindent\[laukhaen chakoo-liy n''um-ydwd l'yOm qoomiy lau`ad kiy 
mish^'pau.tiy l|e':e.sof gOyim l'qauv'tsiy mam'laukhOs lish^'pokh'
`:alaeyhem za`'miy kol ch:arOn 'apiy kiy b''eish^ qin''ausiy
t|"'+khael k+l-h+'|+rets.\HPAR\]

\[\HINDENT laukhaen chakoo-liy n''um-ydwd l'yOm qoomiy lau`ad kiy 
mish^'pau.tiy l|e':e.sof gOyim l'qauv'tsiy mam'laukhOs lish^'pokh'
`:alaeyhem za`'miy kol ch:arOn 'apiy kiy b''eish^ qin''ausiy
t|"'+khael k+l-h+'|+rets.\HPAR\]

\noindent\[laukhaen chakoo-liy n''um-ydwd l'yOm qoomiy lau`ad kiy 
mish^'pau.tiy l|e':e.sof gOyim l'qauv'tsiy mam'laukhOs lish^'pokh'
`:alaeyhem za`'miy kol ch:arOn 'apiy kiy b''eish^ qin''ausiy
t|"'+khael k+l-h+'|+rets.\CENTERLASTLINE\]

This is a test.  This is a test.  This is a test.  This is a test.
This is a test.  This is a test.  This is a test.  This is a test.
This is a test.  This is a test.  This is a
test. \['vgdhwzch.ty.  'vgdhwzch.ty.  'vgdhwzch.ty.  'vgdhwzch.ty.
'vgdhwzch.ty.\CENTERLASTLINE\] 

\end{document}

\def\=#1{\setbox0=\hbox{=}\dimen0=\wd0%
  =\llap{\hbox to\dimen0{\hss#1\hss}}}
\def\RH{{\sc rh}}\def\BH{{\sc bh}}

\noindent\vbox{\null\noindent.\endgraf
\bigskip\bigskip\baselineskip=14pt
\noindent Rabbinic Hebrew (\RH) does not differ greatly from Biblical Hebrew
(\BH) in its inflection of the noun, although the neutralization of
final {\it mem\/} and {\it nun\/} means that the masculine plural
is often, as in Aramaic,
        \[\=iyn^\].
Apart from the more
frequent use of the archaic feminine suffix
        \[\=ath\]
as in
        \[koheneth\]
`priest's wife' and
        \['illemeth\]
`dumb woman', \RH\ also
employs the suff{}ixes
        \[\=iyth\]
and
        \[\={}ooth\]
for
example
        \[':araumiyth\]
`Aramaic' and
        \[`av'dooth\]
`servitude'.  \RH\
developed distinctive feminine plural suff{}ixes in
        \[\=+'Oth\]
(Babylonian) or
        \[\=+yOth\]
(Palestinian), for example
        \[mar'ch:atsauyOth\]/\[mar'ch:atsau'Oth\]
`bath-houses' and
        \[\=iyyOth\], 
as in
        \[mal'khiy*Oth\]
`kingdoms' for \BH\
        \[mal'khuyO{}th\], 
for nouns ending in
        \[=ooth\]
in the singular.  Masculine
plural forms sometimes differ from those that would be expected, or
are normally found, in \BH, for example,
        \[n'ziqiyn^\]
from
        \[naezeq\]
`damage',
        \[sh^'wauriym^\]
from
        \[sh^Or\]
`ox',
        \[sh^'wauqiym^\]
from 
        \[sh^\/ooq\]
`market',
        \[ts'daudiym^\]
from
        \[tsad\]
`side',
        \[ch:atsau'iyn^\]
from
        \[ch:atsiy\]
`half', and
        \[sh^'l\/oochiyn^\]
from
        \[sh^auliy_ach\]
`envoy'.
The same is true of feminine nouns, for example
        \['Othiy*Oth\]
from
        \['Oth\]
`letter (of alphabet)',
        \[b'riythOth\]
from
        \[b'riyth\]
`covenant
(without plural in \BH)', and
        \['im*auhOth\]
from
        \['aem^\]
`mother'. 

Some masculine nouns take the feminine plural suffix
       \[-Oth\], 
for example,
        \[chin*Oth\]
from
        \[chaen^\]
`favour',
        \[k'laulOth\]
from
       \[kh'laul\]
`rule',
        \[tiynoqOth\]
from
       \[tiynOq\]
`baby',
        \[ch:ayaulOth\]
from
        \[chayil\]
`army',
        \[`:ayaurOth\]
from
        \[`iyr\]
`city', and
        \[maeymO\/th\]
from
        \[mayim^\]
`water'.  Similarly, there are some feminine
nouns which take the masculine plural suffix
       \[\=iym^\]---\[yOniym^\]
from
       \[yOnauh\]
`dove',
        \[n'mauliym^\]
from
        \[n'maulauh\]
`ant', and
        \[baeytsiym^\]
from
        \[baeytsauh\]
`egg', for example.  Occasionally, both
types of plural are evidenced, as with
       \[yaumOth\]/\[yaumiym^\]
from
        \[yOm^\]
`day' or
        \[sh^aunOth\]/\[sh^auniym^\]
from
        \[sh^aunauh\]
`year', with each form having a slightly
different shade of meaning and the `feminine' variant only used with
suffixes.  In \RH\ we sometimes find plurals of nouns only attested in
the singular in \BH, for example
        \[':avauriym^\]
from
        \['aever\]
`limb',
        \[dd'sh^au'iyn^\]
from
        \[ddesh^e'\]
`grass', and
        \[t'midiym^\]
from
        \[taumiyd\]
`daily sacrifice'.  Likewise, there are
singular forms of nouns only attested in the plural in \BH, for example
       \['il'moog\]
`coral-wood',
        \[baeytsauh\]
`egg',
and
        \[bautsaul\]
`onion'.  The dual is used more than in \BH,
with existing forms retained and new ones created, for example
       \[ma.s'paurayim^\]
`scissors' and
        \[baen'tayim^\]
`meanwhile'.  (1993: A. S\'aenz-Badillos, {\it A History of the Hebrew
Language},  Cambridge University Press, pp.\thinspace 188-89.)\par
}

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